Bristling like an ancient snake shedding its withered and crumbling skin, Russia sheds Sovietka as if the rock of its stubbornly devoted people grabbed it whole--the new nation borne, continuing to birth itself years after its democratic turn. The traces are omnipresent--from monstrous soviet era military equipment adopted for construction use to every babushkas in most every dom, to St. Petersburg's plethora of museums to Moscow's bare bones function only airport.
Russia surprising, at least, chocking perhaps at times. The first part of the mission is to acculturate and this will take some time. I had expected Moscow's airport to be over-engineered and technologically advance; instead I was greeted with bare concrete facades surrounding rickety ancient escalators in an un-air conditioned facility. The pattern held true as my companions picked me u from the similarly accommodated St. Petersburg airport. Minivans rigged to cram a dozen people are ubiquitous--tiny seats cram in every direction, each occupied by strangers like hitchhikers, picked up along the way. These seats enclose standing room for even more. Add this to rainy overcast driving conditions--not to mention stripe-less roads ans reckless drivers--and Geico mustn't have let the door hit them in the face on the way out.
People walk in Russia. Far. Women dress themselves in clothing too sexy for American streets. Everyone seems to hustle--bargaining is a way of life--and tiny businesses cram every nook. Lone babushkas selling bunched flowers and berries or vegetables beg for customers in St. Petersburg. Open-air markets are everywhere, and with ware ranging from unidentifiable vegetables to American sunglasses, the city reminds me of a giant farmers' and Flea market.
Please forgive any spelling errors as I have little time to type! I will post more about the setting, hopefully later today.
Why Build Foreign Democracies?
Strong Democracies support the national security not only of the United States, but of the whole world. I'll explain this in terms of psychology: most people are in many important ways fundamentally similar. Natan Sharansky' book, The Case for Democracy, outlined an argument for freedom that relied on this belief. Essentially, people everywhere want the same things: peace, security, satisfaction, etc. Free societies will support these ends because people can act toward achieving what is in their best interest. Wars are truly not in the general interest of people. Free societies are safer because people will choose to be safe. When confronted with a simple choice between death and life, in a free society people will choose life.
I can already hear everyone shouting at me: "But they're different! If those people are free, they will all want war--they'll want the destruction of the United States and all the civility and culture of the West!" This doomsday scenario is actually a perfect example of the Fundamental Attribution Error (FAE). Look it up on Wikipedia. Don't feel bad if you feel this way, but you are not looking at the whole picture. We all have a tendency to overemphasize the role of the person and under-emphasize the power of the situation. It's impossible to judge what people who are living a fear-based society would do if they were living in freedom. But why would you jump to the conclusion that they are somehow fundamentally different from us? I think people see themselves in a wholly separate manner from the way they see anyone else. Just assume with me for the moment that other people want the same things from life that you do. They want to survive, they have fears, they want to succeed, they want some modicum of happiness, etc. What would the world look like? Probably very similar to the world that we already live in, right? People are placed in different situations. It's hard to imagine someone who would want an ultimately different set of goals in life. And everyone wants to be free. And everyone wants to be safe. And war does not fit into this picture at all. Free societies support everyone's security.
Aside from our own collective security, some have mentioned that strong liberal Democracies have a moral duty to spread liberal Democracy to other countries. I find this argument weak so I won't go there. But you certainly can.
And aside from both of those, liberal Democracies support the progress of science, industry, and economic development. If you think these are bad, then A) I feel sorry for you, and B) ignore this argument and take one of the above. Free societies liberate the innate creativity, ingenuity, and curiosity of humanity. This is what fosters development in these areas.
Proposing "Conditioning Democracy"
After nine years in the Gulag, Natan Sharansky might have conclusively refuted the self-evident nature of inalienability of Liberty in the USSR. Instead, he emerged triumphant, voicing the universal appeal of freedom in his seminal book, The Case for Democracy. With the moral clarity of America at stake, Sharansky writes about the inevitable rise of freedom and Democracy with moral authority like Andrew Jackson spoke about Manifest Destiny and like Karl Marx wrote about Communism: people in every country yearn to be free, and non-democratic governments prohibit this freedom. However with growing resentment toward the War in Iraq, criticisms of the expenditures of the United States on democratizing foreign countries have grown vociferous. The United States is past due for an policy overhaul: Americans want to maximize the impact of every resource allocated to promoting Democratic initiatives. John Prados’s Safe for Democracy identifies five tools that the United States has utilized to promote Democracy: behavior examples, diplomacy, economic sanctions, military force, and covert operations (propaganda). Each of these tools relies on Sharansky’s argument in a large measure for their success; each tool requires that people yearn for their own Democracy.
“Conditioning Democracy” proposes Democratic Propensity Theory to shape the much-needed policy overhaul. With a unique focus on individual endorsement of Democracy, “Conditioning Democracy” relates psychological principles to Democracy initiatives. The United States is missing a sixth tool from its toolbox: conditioning people for Democracy, creating the yearning for freedom from within individuals. Exposing individuals from emerging Democracies to successful Democratic deliberation experiences increases the individual’s propensity for Democratic government. Conditioning Democracy proposes policies that incorporate professional “operational” psychologists into missions that “condition” denizens of emerging Democracies, whole communities at a time, to accept the potential both for participation in Democratic government and Democratic rule of law. If policy-makers consider the evidence that I will present in “Conditioning Democracy,” new policy should both more efficiently use resources and perhaps also save lives.
Russia surprising, at least, chocking perhaps at times. The first part of the mission is to acculturate and this will take some time. I had expected Moscow's airport to be over-engineered and technologically advance; instead I was greeted with bare concrete facades surrounding rickety ancient escalators in an un-air conditioned facility. The pattern held true as my companions picked me u from the similarly accommodated St. Petersburg airport. Minivans rigged to cram a dozen people are ubiquitous--tiny seats cram in every direction, each occupied by strangers like hitchhikers, picked up along the way. These seats enclose standing room for even more. Add this to rainy overcast driving conditions--not to mention stripe-less roads ans reckless drivers--and Geico mustn't have let the door hit them in the face on the way out.
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