Worldwide Readers: Conditioning Democracy

The Conditioning Democracy readership is growing daily. Many of you have responded to the emails I've sent you, and many thanks for your expressions of support. And for those that have not yet responded: I've contacted you based on your demonstrated expertise and potential interest in Operational Psychology for Civil Society. Remember the blog is only highlighting the development of this project; for detailed information or to participate in this project email me. So a quick shout-out to the readers in Canada, Peru, the United Kingdom, Germany, Spain, Sweden, Italy, Romania, Israel, Bosnia, Herzegovina, Russia, Australia, Japan, Indonesia, Malaysia, and 20 states of the USA!

I want to reduce the length of the DPS. But first I will have to gather DPS scores from a large number of people across the world. I'll establish a baseline of Democratic Proclivity scores of individuals in strong democracies. Then I'll look for strong correlations within the scale and eliminate redundancies…

Mastering the Mission Challenges

Now I want to give you some operational challenges I've run into in Russia's Operation Civil Elixir. All Deliberative Democracy missions for the purpose of Conditioning Democracy share many challenges for Conditioning Democracy. In Russia I battled with one of those—language and cultural differences. Few people anywhere speak English, and outside of major tourist centers like Moscow and St. Petersburg, even fewer. I realize that the operational psychologist with native-level understanding has a significant advantage. But the second-best option I felt was a carefully-trained native data-collector and facilitator. Fortunately, I have much experience training facilitators (for more on why facilitated discussion is absolutely essential to operations, see the sample chapter)… Of course, there are a wide variety of challenges in training facilitators with little democratic experience in an environment that discourages the development of democracy. For instance, successfully teaching a young Russian facilitator to balance a conversation—particularly between the sexes & between older and younger participants—proves akin to teaching a new language. Besides language, challenges include relating democracy concepts with DD programs, promoting programs for increasing participation, maintaining DPS improvements over time, institutionalization of DD programs (and many others).

Administering the DPS is crucial to mission success. In order to measure the success of a DD program, you've got to measure proclivity before and after participation. Currently the DPS is 15 pages long. So I must convince people who are already putting time and potentially safety on the line by participating in Deliberative Democracy to fill out this questionnaire. Twice. Not an easy task. Exporting scores out of the country is another challenge, but one more easily overcome with Google docs… I worry about the monitoring of internet activity: is it better to use a privately-owned computer at a flat or an internet café. All the internet is state controlled but still this question depends at least partially on another question: which to fear more—the FSB or the Ministry of Foreign Affairs? In any case, small-scale work done on a tourist visa I doubt will attract much attention in Russia. Looking ahead to other countries—Cuba, Iran, China, etc.—I worry more.

Finding the Center (w/ pics)

To understand what it's like for people in a country, you usually look for the middle: What's the median income? What's the average living conditions? What is the typical job? So from one extreme--densely-populated St. Petersburg--to the other--rural village life--I recently found a more middle-of-the-road Russian city, Cheboksary.

Citizens of Cheboksary, capital of the Chuvash Republic, affectionately describe their city as "a very big village." There are very few international tourists here, and both the Russian and Chuvash spirit bind the half-million residents of Cheboksary together. "I see friends every day I go for a walk and every time I shop on the other side of town," a girl told me. Here there is a strong middle, and everyone seems to be together in it. Across Russia now I have begun to see evidence of a strong middle-class. Whatever the numbers say, people in general have access to a wide range of goods and services like America or Western Europe. And similarly, most people may not be able to afford every want and desire, but more than hope for dreams to come true, they are confident that they will get what they want and have everything they will need. This, of course, is relatively new for Russians, and something like the Green Acres family, sometimes Russians persistently desire familiar relics more than modern comforts. Take one ride on the sardine-packed Soviet-era trains and this becomes immediately apparent...

Despite warnings from many Russians now that people in Russia "can't afford" to help strangers, I have noticed a plethora of evidence of civil society in Cheboksary. Below I have two pictures: one of a shopping center
inside which there was a box (second picture)
for donations to support a church. And there was even money inside!

Healthy democracies need a strong middle, and I think that Democracies actually create and maintain their own middle. Can't wait to see what the numbers say the middle thinks about Democracy!!

A Democratic Village (w/ pics)

The Russian countryside dominates the landscape of the nation. Summer's massive forests, vast green plains, and interwoven waterways starkly contrast the concrete jungle of bustling metropolis centers like Moscow and St. Petersburg. Villages dot this tremendous countryside like cayenne pepper on ice cream and jettison both city conveniences and Western comforts. Some villages without electricity, all without plumbing. The toilet is a hole in the ground. Enter a village banya [transliterated], a separate tiny log building next to the log house. Inside you smoke and steam the sweat from your body to take a shower; use a small pot to pour water on yourself and to rinse your mouth after brushing your teeth (if you choose to do so). The water comes from an open (and rusting) 55 gallon metal drum. There are no shops nearby, so look to the garden for your food. Don't mind the worms, "they're extra protein," I'm told. But let go of your Western preconceptions of luxury--this life is comfortable for the villagers, and it was even comfortable for me. The villagers are friendly and the cuisine delectable. The summertime Russian village vaguely reminds me of the homeyness of Southern country. Certainly this life differs from city life, and we must consider this common yet alternate lifestyle in democratization planning.

More than simply consider the village alternative, I think Civil Psychology Operations can thrive in villages. Somewhat autonomously run, whole villages might be persuaded to utilize and institutionalize Deliberative Democracy. With a widespread level of participation: results could be more quickly implemented, and outcomes should be more appealing to the entire population. The operational challenges are different, but I feel that I have recognized many of them now. The firsthand village experience from an American perspective leaves me confident that I can also overcome them with the ideas that I have developed.

Democracy Next to Godliness (w/ pics)

I spent the morning reconnoitering in Kazan, the capital of the Republic of Tartarstan. A bastion of the Tatar culture, it's a notable departure from Orthodox-culture dominated areas of Russia. Islamic fervor is palpable as the cupola of mosques touch the sky. Arabic and Tatar flood the shops and streets, and even beggars wear Tatar-Islamic clothes. Here in Kazan, Russia melds the cultures of West and Middle East into the gridiron of the suitably unique region. American style crams the Mega-Mall with products in high Russian demand; inside traditional Middle-Eastern hookah lounges blend with Russian cafes and stores, marketing wares in as many different languages.

I spent much of my time with an English-speaking girl, who described Kazan to me in a heavy British accent from a modern Russian's perspective. "Russia is a big place, so of course there must be room for many religions." I remember this phrase in particular because it struck me--only 20 years after state-enforced atheism, there is a sentiment of religious accommodation. Where did this come from?

I imagine that Kazan will likely contain some of the most interesting data. The region calls itself a Republic--the Republic of Tatarstan--but how democratically do people behave? How do people relate their faith, a long imperial tradition, a deeply-rooted culture, and a communist past to a continuing democratic transition? How do they perceive democracy handles the problems associated with the practice of many religions in one big Russia? And what do the people feel is the future of Democracy in the region? O and one more--if Islam works with democracy here, could this area be uniquely suited to function in such a way or could Arabic countries adopt similar structures?

On an operational note--my new friend tells me that Kazan can be a dangerous place for foreigners. I don't doubt her as I creep ever ever closer to the Middle East. I have a few ideas for mission techniques, however, and I have completed the electronic form for recording DPS data online worldwide.

Microbusiness (w/ pics)

Every corner throughout Russia—from the countryside to the cities—yields a thriving micro-business. Villagers sell fruits and vegetables and веник reeds along the sides of roads. Trinket salespeople crowd city sidewalks, battery-powered furry creatures beep and walk in every direction. Cart vendors sell everything from beer to ice cream and magazines to souvenirs. But it isn't what they sell that is surprising, it is the sheer quantity of businesses that overwhelms me. Everywhere, mini-buses, amateur taxis, hustlers on trains; there is an entire class of people that eek out a living as a sole proprietor, conducting every element of business from sales to service on his or her own and without outside support for inevitably minuscule business ventures.

I think that the capability of an individual to construct such a micro-business might impact that person's proclivity for a democratic governmental transition, and in new democracies, might impact the degree of content with democratic government. Imagine yourself in the situation: on Wednesday the communist government provides every element of life for you, from health care to living space all the way to your daily diet. On Thursday the new capitalist democracy gains a foothold and you are on your own. Maybe the company you work for collapses; maybe you had worked for a government agency that no longer exists. Now you need to find money to provide for your family. If you can make something, sell something, grow something you are not in a terrible circumstance. If you can not and rely on finding a job, perhaps the economy is slow to start and your family starves to death in the mean time. I think that a strong micro-business economy will help predict Democratic Proclivity, and I think that Russia has this particular platform for democratic success.

Even just a hundred years ago this was likely not a serious problem because of the infrastructure of economies—worldwide, small agricultural enterprises made up a majority of the world superpowers' economies. Every Joe and Jane had a small farm and they could sell what they produced and make a sustainable income. As the world became more industrialized and infrastructure complicated, people more and more rely on local, national, and inter-national cooperation for their sustenance. Corporatization has cost the private sector its individual independence. Obviously not terrible, but post-fascist and post-communist nations will inevitably struggle (at least initially) to maintain their economic strength and stability. In the meantime, micro-businesses can fill the gaps.